ADDRESS BY PRESIDENT MARTTI AHTISAARI AT THE FREIE UNIVERSITÄT IN BERLIN, NOVEMBER 23, 1994

FINLAND, THE EUROPEAN UNION AND INTERNATIONAL CHANGE

Nearly five years ago to the day, the ideological and military division of our continent that was known as the Cold War came to an end. The Germans pulled down the Berlin Wall and let the rivers of liberty run free. The peaceful unification of Germany and Europe reached a turning point.

Berlin is a symbol of the new Europe. Here and elsewhere on the continent, nations are concentrating on the work of peace.

I am greatly honoured to have the chance of speaking today at the Free University of Berlin, an academic community of renown. This is a place which has always defended academic freedom.

As President of Finland, I am particularly happy to be able to explain the international position of my own country here in the capital of the unified Germany, now that Finland is joining the European Union. The step we are taking is a historic one for the Finnish nation, and could not come at a more interesting time in terms of international politics.

Germany's political leadership - and indeed, I believe, the whole German nation - has given unreserved support to Finnish membership. I should like to take this opportunity to express my warm thanks for this support.

Two hundred years ago, the Königsberg philosopher Immanuel Kant, a truly great man from the Baltic Sea region, outlined his programme for 'eternal peace'. At a time of great unrest, he was convinced that in the longer term also Europe would achieve a permanent state of peace.

Kant said: "The spirit of commerce is one that cannot live in congruence with war and which sooner or later wins sway in every nation."

Kant also argued for two other basic ideas as the elements of lasting peace. The first, he said, was that the inner order of states had to be founded on the principles of equality and a republican form of government. The other was the assumption that warfare would become so destructive that it could no longer be wielded as an instrument of politics.

When the division of Europe ended so dramatically, many believed that the conditions laid down by Kant for eternal peace had been fulfilled. But though we need such optimism, I am afraid that there is still a long way to go before we can feel sure that peace here does not rest on empty promises, but rather on lasting structures.

The links between Finland and Germany go back hundreds of years. From the Middle Ages onwards, Finland's spiritual and secular leadersstudied at Germany's world-famous universities. Luther's Reformation was quick to win a firm foothold in Finland. The German language and culture have always been of great importance for Finland.

Now that we are joining the European Union, Finland and Germany will become close partners in the new Europe.

Throughout its history, Finland has been intimately involved in economic and cultural interaction throughout the Baltic region. It is from here that we have acquired some of the basic features of our unique national character.

However, though for centuries the Baltic Sea united the nations living round its shores, during the Cold War it was a dividing line, and its eastern lands and the independent nations that lived there disappeared from view. The recent end of this division thus restored our inland sea to its historical standing. Now, the Baltic Sea again unites rather than divides us.

Finland has taken on an important role in promoting contacts northwards, into northwest Russia and the Baltic countries.

Last Friday, the Finnish Parliament approved the treaty of accession to the European Union. It was preceded by a referendum in which the Finnish people gave unequivocal support to membership.

This referendum was preceded by far-reaching debate, which showed that the Finns will only be convinced of the benefits of membership through practical results. The Union can only operate with the support of the citizens.

I hope that enlargement of the Union as of the beginning of next year will proceed as planned. The new member countries will, I believe, give positive impetus to the Union's development. Assuming they all become members, the Nordic countries will expand its geographical coverage by nearly 50 per cent. A Union of this kind, with a northern dimension, will differ in many ways from the present 12-member community of states.

The Nordic countries form a community of values which has a particular significance to its citizens. They will doubtless find it easy to agree on many of the issues dealt with by the Union. But this is not to say that the Union will be gaining some kind of Nordic bloc.

We expect a great deal from the Union, but we know that we can in turn make a major contribution to achieving its common goals.

The voice of an enlarged Union will carry further in the world community. Thus the global role of the Union will be strengthened.

Because of their geography and history, Finland and Germany tend to view change in Europe and management of that change from a similar viewpoint. Though our societies face great problems, such as unemployment, we both take the view that the greatest challenges to our continent lie to the east. But through cooperation and a policy of stabilization we can deal with these challenges.

The EU has come to be the anchor for economic and political development in Europe. Its gradual enlargement will also create the preconditions for stability in the eastern parts of the continent. Now it is the turn for closer relations between the EU and the countries of central Europe. We consider that this group includes the Baltic countries. The strategy involved, which will be dealt with by the Essen summit meeting, will mark an important step towards the next phase of enlargement.

At the same time, it is vital to further the Union's economic and political cooperation with Russia, Ukraine and the CIS countries. We used to think of the former Soviet Union as an ideological world power and military giant.

The new enlargement of the European Union will give it borders with the new Russia. In building democracy, the rule of law and a market economy, Russia is looking to us for partnership, and we must be able to respond. Russia is a land of great opportunities. Its future development will not be without problems, but there can be no going back.

Russia is struggling with what it inherited from the former Soviet Union. Industry has laid waste parts of the environment, and there are problems caused by its nuclear installations. The consequences of nuclear accidents would radiate everywhere. This problem is widely acknowledged in the EU. Finland, too, is making a major contribution here.

Relations between the new states that emerged when the Soviet Union broke up are still seeking the patterns to follow, and it is essential to get them on a stable basis. Despite the burden of history, what we now need is patience and statesmanship. This was demonstrated by the leaders of Estonia, Latvia and Russia, for instance, when they successfully solved problems between their countries last summer.

Though the threat of a major war has retreated, strengthening European security since the Cold War ended has proved a problem. Different levels of economic development, new forms of ethnic and national strife, international crime, environmental problems and friction in relations between states all overshadow an otherwise encouraging overall picture.

There can be no return to a Europe of divisions and power politics, however. We must strengthen security through cooperation. Europe must be turned into a region of security where use of military means is unnecessary.

We must now act decisively to create such a region. The institutions at our disposal must be developed and their functions harmonized, to generate the preconditions for a broadly based stabilization policy.The European region of security will be made up of three structural levels.

Firstly, basic stability will be created by strengthening bilateral ties and through economic and political integration.

The enlarging EU and the states entering into a closer relationship with it are in a key position here.

Secondly, cooperative security will then be generated through preventive diplomacy, peacekeeping and crisis management. The key forums here are the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE), the Council of Europe, the North Atlantic Cooperation Council (NACC), the Western European Union (WEU) and NATO, especially its Partnership for Peace (PfP) programme.

Thirdly, military stability will ultimately be based on defence capabilities which the nation-states produce either independently, through mutual cooperation, or through a common defence.

Finland and the other Nordic countries have pursued a consistent policy of stabilization for decades now, taking into account the prevailing circumstances. Finland has borne its own responsibility here by maintaining a credible defence capability and by sharing in international peacekeeping missions. We believe that we will continue to generate security in future, too, and not consume it.

In joining the European Union, our policy is military non-alliance and the maintenance of a credible independent defence. We believe this is the best basis for strengthening stability and security in northern Europe.

We intend to join in developing the Union's common foreign and security policy actively and constructively. It is our assumption that the other Member States of the Union will listen to what we have to say about security and take it into account.

If the European Union is to live up to the hopes invested in it, its own economy must be in good order. Just now, admittedly, economic development in its Member States is suffering setbacks. Persistent unemployment is the outcome both of a wide range of structural problems in the economy and of Europe's poorer competitiveness. The creation of the internal market is the first step in efforts to restore this competitive capacity.

In the longer term, the sights are set on economic and monetary union, or EMU. The goals of this union are in line with the principles of a healthy economy. Meeting the criteria for EMU is no simple matter for the economies of Member States. In the long range, however, this is essential if economic development on our continent is to be ensured.

The Union's own structures must also be updated. In 1996 there will be an intergovernmental conference which will deal, for instance, with the development of the Union's institutions.

Finland wants to develop the Union an effective community of states with strong self-esteem. Its institutions must be both appropriate and democratic.

The many differences between the Union's member countries is a source of great richness, not an obstacle to development. However, it is in all our interests to see that Member States do not find themselves in an unequal position. It is therefore important to agree together on targets and timetables. It is conceivable that a Member State may in some special case wish to follow a different timetable, in a manner jointly agreed.

In 1841, the philosophical work 'Idee der Persönlichkeit' (The idea of the personality) was published at the University of Tübingen, and attracted great attention in Germany. It was written by the Finn, J.W. Snellman, who later became a major statesman. He stressed that Finland's strength lies in its culture.

We Europeans have succeeded in international competition first and foremost through the strength of our culture. Our scientific breakthroughs, and the creative work of our composers, writers, painters and other artists are among our contributions to human development. At best, European civilization means creativity, tolerance and justice.

I believe that on this basis we can confidently continue our efforts for peace, security and well-being, not only on our continent but throughout the world.