SPEECH BY PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC MARTTI AHTISAARI AT THE EUROPEAN SEMINAR "LIFELONG LEARNING, LIBERAL ADULT EDUCATION AND CIVIL SOCIETY" IN TURKU ON 20.9.1999

DEMOCRACY AND CIVIL SOCIETY IN THE EUROPE OF THE FUTURE

Democracy – the idea of people wielding political power on a basis of equality – will be just as important a matter in the century soon to begin as it has been in the one now drawing to a close. Effectively functioning democracy and a free civil society have shown themselves to be the best guarantee of permanent peace. Democratic societies do not wage war with each other.

Peace and free societies are not things that we can take for granted. The 20^th century has seen Europe afflicted by two major wars that have spread to other continents. Still in the last year of our century, guns spoke, human rights were violated and extreme nationalism assumed cruel forms also in our own continent. War in the Balkans has now come to an end, but ahead of us lies a demanding job of material, mental and social building. Probably the most central question that it involves is strengthening civil society and getting democracy to put down roots in the region.

In general, however, the final decade of our century has seen democracy take enormous strides forward both world-wide and in Europe. Particularly interesting is the many-faceted and dynamic development in which formerly Communist-ruled countries are creating democratic institutions and practices. Experience to date proves what a difficult matter democracy is, but it also shows how rapidly resolute action can bring about great steps forward.

We in Western Europe had to do some serious thinking about democracy and the prerequisites for it fifty years ago, when the continent, in the midst of the ruins and destruction that war had wrought, was rendering an account of its recent past. The core question was: How do we create a democratic Europe? And how to create a Europe whose democracy would endure the trials and tribulations that lay ahead? The project has been a success, perhaps even beyond our expectations. Country after country has developed a democratic political system. Nations have bound themselves together through a complex network of cooperation. One expression of a democratic Europe is an enlarging European Union.

Yet it would be a serious mistake to allow ourselves to be lulled into smugness. Democracy seems to be something that has to be built anew each day. One of the most serious of the new challenges is alienation of people from the exercise of power in society. Too many have the feeling that power is escaping to somewhere far away in the labyrinths of systems; so far that there is no point in even casting their votes in elections. And most dangerous of all: undemocratic movements, paranoid nationalism and xenophobia are again raising their heads in various parts of Europe.

Dwindling voter turnouts in both national and European elections are a phenomenon that must be carefully pondered. Fewer and fewer people are participating in the activities of civic organisations and political parties.

Although the media keep us well au fait with what is happening, new means of participating and exercising influence have not been developed. We do not know well enough how modern media influence – and how they could influence – the democratic process, for example how genuine a dialogue between electors and elected they can sustain.

Internationalisation and globalisation of societies are likewise posing new challenges. For the whole of this century we have been accustomed to thinking of democracy as an internal affair of the nation-state. But can any democracy founded on nation-states function in a world where both the economy and the consciousness industry are more and more international and in fact global?

I believe that states and cooperation between them will remain important for as long as we can credibly predict. Nevertheless, living as we do in a world dominated by large companies and units, it is now time to consider a need for democratic institutions broader than the nation. What might they be like? How could the EU be democratic in a better way? Is democracy capable of solving global problems, such as those relating to destruction of the planetary environment and sustainable development? Will the information society and new means of communication create a foundation for a world-wide civil society? All of this demonstrates that we have a burning need to re-think questions of democracy.

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On the other hand, there is no sign of a better alternative to democracy – or of a less worse one, if we are to remain true to Winston Churchill’s famous remark. As he sagely put it: "Democracy is the worst form of government, except for those other forms that have been tried from time to time."

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Change does not engender only threats, but also – and always – opportunities. For instance, modern information technology provides us with completely new means of influencing matters and participating in decision making, provided we have the will and ability to avail ourselves of the opportunities that they offer. Right now is the time for innovations with a bearing on democracy.

Perhaps this very meeting could provide a European initial impetus for a new study and development of democracy and of its roots, which are entwined with civil society. There is an old truth, one that is still relevant but may have been forgotten, that the task of democracy is to foster – and here I intentionally use the same adjective as Grundtvig –enlightened citizens, who in turn are capable of sustaining democracy.

Democracy is not just a question that concerns systems or structures. It also extends deep into morality, attitudes and values. We need democratic personalities. We need people whose views on collective matters flow from their own thinking and who courageously express their ideas in discussion. We need people who are able to understand others living in different situations and with the maturity to search for implementable solutions that further the common good. We need people who assume responsibility for matters of common concern and who are prepared to work in democratic institutions. Human rights, tolerance, respecting others and understanding others are prerequisites for democracy. All of these things can be promoted with the aid of education.

My first conclusion is that it is important to maintain education that supports democracy. Strengthening democratic values is also a goal of the lifelong learning that has been widely embraced in Europe. Indeed, we must reflect on what it means in practice. As educators of adults, you have a key role. A working group at this seminar is deliberating democracy from the perspective of education. I would like to receive a copy of its report.

Here in the Nordic region, the question of democracy is one of the things that have led to a re-evaluation of the importance of non-formal education. Its traditional task has been to support the development of personality and a civil society founded on voluntary cooperation, with the parallel goal of achieving equality, pluralism and democracy. An extensive re-evaluation of non-formal education is now under way also in Finland. It is also included in our Government’s programme, which promises to facilitate liberal adult education. Different European countries have their own solutions, but education that supports democracy is important everywhere.

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Social issues are increasingly complex, challenging and in many respects even frightening. We are living in a risk society, as one sociologist has put it. It has been said, very much to the point, that people have three alternatives: they can slump into apathy and hopelessness and conclude that a little person can influence nothing anyway. Or they can drift into condemnatory solutions, for example hating other groups, peoples or cultures. Or, with open eyes and boldly, they can tackle even the most difficult problems, try to learn to understand their causes and work with others to develop solutions. The great task of adult education is to make it easier for people to choose the third option, in a genuine spirit of lifelong learning. Democracy can only exist when people are able to assess their own situation and the forces influencing it, and then figure out how these forces can be modified. In the past, the major ideologies gave them the tools they needed to do that. Now we need new ways of helping people to understand their position in society.

My second conclusion is that what we need to support the kind of education that strengthens democracy is both research and something that could be called value-based policy studies. By this I mean a profound examination, from the perspectives of a variety of values, of new and threatening problems, together with efforts to develop proposals for solving them. Commendable work of this kind is being done within many, mainly American, think-tanks and institutes. We Europeans may not have been making enough of an effort to develop alternative policies.

It would be important to make available for public discussion a range of well thought-out alternative recommendations as to how the problems distressing us could be solved. The European Union could also encourage this. Relatively small inputs could achieve a lot. Think-tanks that generate social innovations are a feature of popular adult education today. In a European context, educational organisations would provide a natural foundation for this, and one that is close to civil society.

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My third conclusion concerns the relationship between democracy and equality, which we all know to be a close one. This question is likewise assuming topical relevance now that economic disparities appear to be increasing both between individuals and whole societies. Social and cultural exclusion is increasing side-by-side with economic marginalisation. A privileged minority is living an interesting international and global life, from which the majority of people are excluded. The privileged are able to make full use of all the new services and opportunities that the information society offers. Others, by contrast, are still to take even the first step.

Growing economic and cultural differences become a threat to democracy before long. There is a strong link between marginalisation and educational level. That is another reason why we need a conscious concentration on lifelong learning, which builds equality. Here, we should learn to avail ourselves of the opportunities that civil society and NGOs offer a lot more than we are doing now. For many people, for example, some or other civic organisation close to them is the only real possibility they have of internationalising.

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The roots of Nordic democracy lie both in an old tradition of liberty and in the civil society that began coming into being 150 years ago. The fundamental form of that civil society is the association based on voluntary effort. The organisational structures within which civil society functions and its members conduct their activities evolved from religious activities, culture, science, study, leisure pursuits, sport, charitable work, a variety of life situations, trade unions, politics, co-operatives, and so on. All of these things have played enormously significant roles in people’s lives, but they have also been very important for the economic, social and political development of the Nordic region. A comparable development in some form or other can be found in the background of every functioning democracy.

There are scholars who argue – and on strong grounds – that civil society is a lot more important than has been thought. I personally was impressed by Robert Putnam’s comparative study of southern and northern Italy, and you have certainly pondered the matter at this seminar as well. When civil society is strong, the state and markets likewise function well. But abuse of power, inefficiency, corruption and crime afflict both government administration and markets as soon as civil society weakens.

Citizens working together on a basis of voluntarism is not some kind of interesting extra that can be done when economic resources permit. Civil society is the source of the norms and bonds of trust which regulate reciprocity and which we have begun calling social capital. Social morality is rooted in these norms and bonds, which in the final analysis create the foundation for democracy and the economy.

Too often, we approach educational issues in the light of the economy’s needs. However, it has been understood in recent years that a modern economy also requires that people develop into versatile personalities with initiative and a capacity for co-operation. That is a further reason why education should be approached in a broad humanistic frame of mind. Its purpose should be to help people develop themselves and grow into responsible citizens.

I am delighted that Finland’s term at the helm of the EU and Turku as our oldest city can contribute to questions of democracy, civil society and lifelong learning assuming a more prominent place in the European discourse. The matters that this seminar is deliberating have a great bearing on the future of our continent. Many interesting questions are still to be dealt with.

In the spirit of this seminar, however, one thing is certain. We need to create links on many levels between people in Europe. Only in that way will they learn to understand and trust each other and establish a fund of European social capital.