A new era of defence
Members of the association, dear friends,
During my presidential term, I have had the privilege to visit many Finnish Defence Forces training exercises and units – Alta in Norway, Rovajärvi in Finnish Lapland, Logistics Command in Tampere, C5 Agency in Jyväskylä. I am already looking forward to the next year and the opportunity to participate in a military march with conscripts.
Furthermore, I have heard regular defence administration briefings on a variety of subject. I must say that I have been impressed by the professionalism, calmness and power that radiates from Finland’s actions.
I have repeatedly received the same feedback from international parties – both those participating in the exercises and heads of state. Without an exception, they have a strong confidence in Finland’s competence, cooperation and will.
Let us be satisfied to hear this, and proud as well.
Internationality also marks the new era of Finnish foreign and security policy. It will introduce a new line of defence policy for Finland. As we have now become militarily allied, we have taken the final step into the Western community of values, where the Republic of Finland has belonged to in spirit throughout its independence.
The work of putting this line of policy into words still continues. The Government Defence Report, currently being finalised, naturally plays the key role in the process.
Finland’s overall security and defence policy is being formulated in close collaboration with the defence administration and the whole Government. The role of the President of the Republic is determined not only by the leadership of Finnish foreign policy, but also by the position of Supreme Commander of the Finnish Defence Forces.
Today, I would like to present to you the triangle of Finnish defence: vision, strategy and implementation.
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First, I will discuss the vision and why we need national defence.
The post-cold war era is over. We have moved on to the era of strategic competition. The global balance of power is shifting. The change creates tensions, the impacts of which we are feeling in Finland and Europe. In addition to this, we are living an era of exceptionally strong technological transformation.
The deteriorated security political situation in Europe is reflected in defence. Alongside readiness, the importance of preparedness becomes emphasised. Involving the whole society is absolutely necessary. Crises and wars are won on the home front. In this respect, Finland has a special strength called the comprehensive security model. We should cherish it and develop it further.
When we look at recent history, Finland did not drop the ball after the Cold War ended. We continued to make cost-efficient investments in national defence. The procurement of Hornet fighters in the 1990s laid foundations for out integration to the West. The EU membership took us into a community of values that already back then had a strong security political dimension. After the events of 2014, we developed our legislation and readiness. We also set up a number of defence cooperation structures and signed agreements to link us closely with our partners.
The ultimatum presented by Russia in December 2021 changed the entire security political situation in Europe. We could not accept Russia’s attempts to limit Finland’s autonomy and our right to determine our own security policy. We joined NATO at the last minute. Finland decided to apply for NATO membership in 2022 and joined the Alliance in 2023.
The rapid developments in recent years also force Finland to broaden its horizons. We must adopt a wider regional perspective. We must look at Europe and collective defence in the Alliance. We must also look at global development, the change in great power relations, and the security threats created and enhanced by new technologies. Our time horizon must also be sufficiently long, without neglecting the immediate needs.
Before, we talked about credible independent defence. Finland’s current policy is to have a strong national defence capability as part of the Alliance. And lest we forget the main issue, I’ll say it one more time: we will never be alone again.
Even today, Finland is a provider of security. When I talk with my international colleagues, this is easy to explain. Due to our geography and experiences, we have always taken care of our own defence.
As a result of our integration to the West, we bear responsibility for our own territory and society, and provide our own capabilities in support of our partners and allies. Also in NATO, we are a constructive and solidary country that expects solidarity also from its partners and allies.
Supporting Ukraine is one of the ways in which we bear our responsibility. In addition to fighting for its own land, people and society, Ukraine is also fighting for the rules-based international world order. In supporting Ukraine, our values and interests converge. Therefore, Ukraine’s fight is also our fight.
We defend our land and our society. We do not make compromises on our territorial integrity. At the same time, we understand that the boundaries of defence are increasingly volatile. There lies a broad hazy space between war and peace. We understand that one of the fronts is found inside our own heads. We also understand that, in the future, there will be competition over data, and data will be used for warfare.
The change manifests itself also in the fact that we are in the process of creating and maintaining deterrence aimed at preventing aggression. It is based on our own capabilities and on the capabilities of our allies. It is based on our resilience to crisis and on our ability to impose costs on the enemy.
We aim to create deterrence that would guarantee territorial stability. However, we must bear in mind that, ultimately, it is the enemy that decides how deterrence works. Every day, we must make it clear to the enemy that today is not the day when they should venture out to test Finland’s will, unity and power.
Our vision is to safeguard Finland’s independence and territorial integrity, to prevent Finland from entering into military conflict and to guarantee the security and well-being of Finns.
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Secondly, I would like to discuss our defence strategy.
Our defence has three supporting pillars. The first one is the strong foundation of our defence capability anchored in history. It is based on professional long-term planning, intensive and realistic training, general conscription and high willingness to defend the nation. According to the recent survey of the Advisory Board for Defence Information (ABDI), the will to defend the nation has remained at a level that is exceptionally high in international scale but quite normal for us Finns.
The second pillar is comprehensive security and resilient society. In the comprehensive security model, every authority knows its role and works in close collaboration with others. It means a model in which the national level is linked with the operators on the regional and local levels. They are our spearhead in almost any crisis. It means a close and smooth collaboration between the public and private sectors. The operations of the whole Finnish society, and even those of the Finnish Defence Forces, rely on the preparedness and resources of the private sector.
I would also like to remind you that everyone has a responsibility for our common security. In times like this, crises easily touch all citizens, and that is why everyone must make their own contribution. It also means that everyone must be able to feel included in our society and feel that it is worth defending.
The third pillar is our international cooperation and our NATO alliance. Defence has never been fully national, but today we are strengthening our defence together with others, bilaterally, regionally, and as part of NATO and the EU. Our cooperation with like-minded countries strongly committed to defending our region is particularly important. That is why we are actively involved in the Nordic Defence Cooperation (NORDEFCO) and the Joint Expeditionary Force (JEF) led by the United Kingdom.
NATO membership has naturally been the most significant reform regarding our defence policy. Under the umbrella provided by it, and in the last resort the strategic deterrence provided by the United States, we develop the stability and defence capability of our allies and our region. The EU also offers a framework for defence cooperation, but as a supranational organisation it also offers an amplifier for our national policy and ambitions.
Over the last few years, a lot has happened. Finland and the defence administration in particular have had to build our NATO membership and defence cooperation under a great pressure and in a tight schedule. Technical starting points for enhancing cooperation were quite good. However, international cooperation requires a change of culture among our officials – as well is in our society. It will take some time. Still, I am convinced that the next generations will consider it normal.
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The third and last point I would like to discuss is the implementation of the strategy for our defence. It requires at least three matters: implementation of the wide-ranging policies to be laid down in the defence report, resources and innovation.
One of the extensive themes in the report will be NATO integration. It requires not only a change in our way of thinking but also measures such as drafting laws and developing capabilities. NATO will be present in Finland as an alliance in ways we consider appropriate. Even more important than presence is sharpening the Alliance’s planning, structures, troops and decision-making.
We have increased our training activities, international training exercises in particular. In these exercises, we build interoperability to be able to defend ourselves effectively together with our allies.
We are building our defence in all its dimensions: on land, at sea, in the air, in the cyber dimension and in space. The major Air Force and Navy projects are advancing. The F-35s, the Squadron 2020 and many other capabilities will soon be part of our defence. The next step is reforming the land defence.
The Finnish Army capabilities will be modernised, and the mobility, fire power and cover and concealment of the forces will be developed. In recent weeks, there has been public debate on the issue of anti-personnel mines. As far as this debate is concerned, I repeat what I have said before: the Defence Forces is examining the capability needs of the Finnish Army, taking into account recent technological developments and the lessons learned from the war in Ukraine. After this, the matter will be processed politically, setting the capabilities in proportion to threats.
Finland maintains and uses its hi-tech competence that we have in the fields of, for example, quantum technology and communications technology. We will develop the strong cooperation between the public and private sectors further.
Conscription will remain the foundation of our defence capability. Conscription will be reformed at a calm pace based on careful consideration.
Resources must be scaled according to need. Nothing in our security environment indicates that the need for defence resources would decline. According to our estimate, Russia will rearm its war machine after the Ukrainian war, and the threat it constitutes to Finland will be a long-standing one.
In the coming years, especially the investments in the Army will require resources. Other viewpoints to be taken into account when developing the military capabilities are the goals to be agreed in the NATO defence planning process.
Russia’s war of aggression in Ukraine has shown that capacity may be needed even for long-lasting warfare. We must have stocks, and in this matter the defence industry will play a central role.
I would also like to point out that Finland is prepared for threats better than many other countries. Finland has kept on investing in defence across electoral periods. To give an example, in proportion to GDP, the fund of EUR 100 billion Germany dedicated to its Zeitenwende was smaller than the size of our F-35 project.
A lot can and must be done nationally. At the same time, we must seek joint solutions. When the EU makes joint investments in defence, Finland is one of the beneficiaries. Everyone will pay their relative share in accordance with their GDP. This way the burden will be divided equally. Nevertheless, strengthening the EU defence will primarily benefit the countries located on the Union’s external borders, such as Finland. Joint capabilities in Europe are also necessary, for example, in space which is where warfare will be increasingly transferred in the future.
This takes me to the technological transformation: how do we understand it and prepare for it? I present four observations.
1. After having visited the Finnish Defence Forces unit responsible for cyber defence last week, I am even more convinced than before that we should continue strengthening the Finnish cyber defence. We must wake up to the possibility that parts of society and some of its vital functions can be paralysed by means of cyber attacks.
2. Space: we are dependent on space-based capabilities in a myriad of ways that are difficult to perceive. This trend will continue.
3. The artificial intelligence is already here. It will revolutionise warfare, not overnight but little by little.
4. Cognitive warfare is also already here. It combines information influence activities and cyber influence activities. It is targeted against our personal memories, thoughts and emotions. No one can fully avoid such actions. Every one of us is a part of the information environment.
One thing is certain: responding to threats like these requires cooperation between all services of the armed forces and the whole society. It requires courage to innovate and create new things.
Finland’s defence requires capability in all dimensions, resources and the ability to anticipate future wars and conflicts. The forthcoming Defence Report will outline the steps we need to take in the coming years.
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Finally, I would like to summarise some of the key points for you to consider.
Due to the nature of our times, the expectations placed on the defence administration are great. This pushes the employees to give their all. Reservists, those participating in voluntary national defence work and many others are doing selfless work for an important cause. Thank you all for that.
In general, our situation is good, and there is no immediate threat of war against our country. We are part of the communities in which we belong. Together we are stronger.
Our strengths include calmness, foresight and a long-term perspective. Developing defence capability is not a short-term process. It is said that the best time to plant a tree was hundred years ago. Fortunately, Finland has been systematically taking care of its defence over the past decades.
One of our strengths is a resilient society with strong defence capability serving as its foundation.
However, even Finland must push itself further. We must also be prepared for the situation deteriorating. We must increase investments in our defence.
At the same time, let us take care of keeping Finland a unified, open, just and egalitarian society that trusts that justice will prevail. Then Finland will always remain worth defending.
On the week following the Finnish Independence Day, I would like to recall Finland’s story the way I see it. From the day when Finland declared itself independent and fought for its independence, all the way to how it built a welfare state and prosperous society in the post-World War II years. And then to the end of the Cold War, after which we confirmed our status as part of the European family. We are now writing another new chapter in this story. As part of a larger community, but always putting Finland’s security, well-being and stability first. Always for the homeland.
